All Politics is Local: How dynasties, aid, and power persist in NCR

The Philippines is a democracy, but political power often stays within families. The local scene has birthed long-standing dynasties—from city halls to Congress, familiar surnames appear on the ballot every election cycle.

In Caloocan, the lowest-ranked city in the National Capital Region in terms of competitiveness,  voters like 21-year-old Reno faced a familiar dilemma: stick with a name that has long held office, or take a chance on someone new.

With hopes for a more progressive future, Reno weighed his choices—a candidate coming from a political family that he knew well enough or one coming down from a national government position. It was incumbent Mayor Along Malapitan and former Senator Antonio Trillanes III who went up against each other. 

Reno admitted that the Malapitans had driven the city. However, not much was done to bring that progress forward, especially during the last concluded term. 

The family first took office in 2013, with Oca Malapitan elected as City Mayor. Since then, they have held the highest position in the city’s local government unit. 

To Reno’s dismay, the power of the familiar name prevailed, as Along Malapitan is reelected and remains Caloocan’s mayor for a second consecutive term.  

‘Safeness’ in familiarity

In every corner of the nation—from the highest unit of government to the lowest—relatives in political positions persist. At least 109 officials elected in the NCR during the 2025 elections are identified by The Communicator to have relations with other people already in power. 

Teodoro and Quimbo have become household names in Marikina, as have Belmonte and Sotto in Quezon City, Abalos in Mandaluyong, Calixto in Pasay, Zamora in San Juan, Olivarez in Parañaque, Malapitan in Caloocan, Binay in Makati, and many more. There are also those who are prominent at the national level, such as Tulfo, Cayetano, and Gatchalian.

People carrying these names tend to replace one another as more elections pass by. For instance, Mandaluyong mayor Menchie Abalos replaced Benjamin Abalos Sr., who is her father-in-law. Caloocan had Along Malapitan, who took over his father, Oca Malapitan. Finally, the Teodoro couple in Marikina—with Maan as Mayor and Marcy as a representative—had merely switched positions.

A son takes over his father, a nephew his aunt, and a wife her husband. Some file their candidacy with only their surnames in hand. No propaganda nor plans are set if they win—and nonetheless, they do. The Communicator found out that at least 41% of the elected officials come from dynasties.

According to PCIJ, 16 were elected for mayoral positions—ten of whom were re-elected, and five replaced their relatives, namely in Las Piñas, Makati, Mandaluyong, Marikina, and Parañaque. 

Additionally, The Communicator identified seven dynastic politicians holding vice mayor titles, 20 who are representatives, and the majority who are councilors of their respective districts. 

Only one NCR mayor is not known to be linked to any political dynasties: Gerald German of lone municipality Pateros.

Manila comes out on top, with 20 of its officials coming from political families. Notable names such as Lim, Maceda, Quintos, Atienza, Uy, Abante, and more now hold positions of power in the capital once again. 

However, it is the Binays in Makati who prove their firm hold of the city. The Binay nameplate has not left the City Mayor’s office in almost four decades, ever since former vice president and Makati mayor Jejomar Binay took office in 1986. It looks like that will remain the case, thanks to Nancy Binay’s successful run for Makati City Mayor—their reign has yet to end. 

Patronage, flooding cash aids, and reelection

It is clear in the Omnibus Election Code of COMELEC that “any person who gives, offers, or promises monies or anything of value […] to induce anyone or the public in general to vote for or against any candidate or withhold his vote in the election” shall be liable for an election offense.

Yet it is also the COMELEC that allows the proliferation of ₱12.6 billion cash aids during the elections by exempting the Ayuda para sa mga Kapos ang Kita Program (AKAP) and others because of its “necessity”.

COMELEC has explicitly stated that no incumbent officials or candidates should be present during the distribution of AKAP resources. However, in some cities, politicians manage to bend the rules.

In Marikina, for example, covered courts were packed during the AKAP payouts last May. Local leaders had already pre-listed constituents, mostly supporters, who were deemed “eligible” for the cash aid.

For COMELEC, these are merely cash aids for indigent families. But for politicians, they serve as a tool to secure as many votes as possible for reelection.

These cash assistance programs, ranging from ₱1,000 to ₱5,000, may be enough to get by for a few days—but when spread over three years, it amounts to just ₱4.50 per day.

In the 2025 budget, the General Appropriations allotted more than ₱26 billion to the program. This tactic boosts reelection chances by turning public aid into a personal favor, making beneficiaries feel indebted and more likely to vote for the politician.

Pictogram generated by Althea Angeles/The Communicator

This reflects patronage politics, where public aid is used to secure loyalty and votes while blurring the line between state support and personal favor.

And in return, this cash aid really played a significant role as 71% or seven out of 10 incumbent officials were reelected in the NCR.

Admin domination

AKAP emerged as a congressional initiative spearheaded by House Speaker Martin Romualdez, who also leads Lakas–Christian Muslim Democrats (LAKAS‑CMD), the dominant party in the House. 

This strategic expansion aligned with the rise of Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas, an administration coalition that aimed to unify admin-allied parties: the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP), Lakas–CMD, Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC), National Unity Party (NUP), and Nacionalista Party (NP), forming a powerful electoral bloc in the 2025 midterm elections.

The Alyansa may have faltered at the national level, as only six out of 11 candidates made it to the Senate, but it is a different story on the local scene, as the coalition's network of allied parties and political dynasties proved resilient, if not dominant, in maintaining or expanding their strongholds.

Bar graph by Althea Angeles/The Communicator

Based on the bar graph, candidates from the Alyansa coalition dominate the current composition of the local winners in NCR, represented by a darker hue. This dominance stems from the coalition’s unified structure and its alignment with entrenched political families, many of whom continue to secure electoral wins across generations.

At the top is the Nacionalista Party (NP) with 78 seats, followed by the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP) with 40, and the LAKAS-CMD with 38. The National Unity Party (NUP) and the Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC) also performed well, gaining 31 and 21 seats, respectively.

All five of these top-performing parties are part of the Alyansa coalition, highlighting their success in presenting a united front during the campaign.

Outside the coalition, Aksyon Demokratiko secured 48 seats, mostly from the city of Manila where Isko Moreno completed his mayoralty comeback. Others like PDP–Laban (five seats), Liberal Party (three seats), PMP (two seats), and UNA (nine seats) had limited success. Independent candidates took 15 seats. This excludes local parties and coalitions that do not banner national parties.

The results show how parties under the Alyansa banner, while not formally running together, have managed to dominate local races. Many of their candidates come from political families that have held these positions for years, now benefiting from shared resources and a loosely unified front.

In some areas, voters weren’t given a choice at all. Ten key local positions—including four mayoral races in Metro Manila—were uncontested, practically guaranteeing wins for dynasty-backed candidates. 

The numbers reflect not just dominance, but how political competition in many places is still being shut out before it can even begin.

Prominent cases

Several high-profile legal disputes continue to cast uncertainty over the elections, involving sitting mayors, congressional rivals, and dozens of local candidates facing administrative charges due to vote buying and abuse of state resources (ASR).

In Muntinlupa, Mayor Ruffy Biazon was recently convicted of graft over a ₱2.7-million pork barrel transaction from his time as congressman in 2007. The Sandiganbayan sentenced him to six to eight years in prison and imposed a lifetime ban from public office. While he was cleared of malversation and direct bribery, the conviction came just two months after he ran unopposed and was proclaimed mayor for a new term.

In Marikina, the disqualification case against Mayor Marcy Teodoro was reversed in June after a months-long legal battle over residency, a complaint filed by his congressional rival, former Senator Koko Pimentel. The Comelec en banc allowed him to be proclaimed as Marikina’s First District Representative, citing procedural lapses and affirming his domicile in Barangay San Roque. 

Another hotly contested congressional seat was the Sixth District of Manila, where COMELEC had disqualified Joey Uy over unresolved citizenship issues and proclaimed Benny Abante as the rightful winner. Uy is still seeking reversal through higher courts.

On top of these are over 200 show-cause orders issued nationwide by the COMELEC, with at least 74 cases tagged for vote-buying and ASR. Prominent names like Manila Mayor Honey Lacuna and the Quimbo and Teodoro couples in Marikina have been included in the list of respondents.

The COMELEC’s Kontra Bigay task force recorded 806 complaints tied to vote-buying and abuse of state resources on May 16. Of these complaints, 636 involved vote-buying, while 268 were ASR-related. 

COMELEC said these are being evaluated as potential election offense cases, stressing that prosecution will proceed even after candidates have been proclaimed.

As of the writing, months have passed, yet no one has been formally charged, disqualified, or penalized with these cases.

Democracy, on repeat

Despite the stubborn prevalence of political dynasties, many agree that they should cease to exist. For voters who dream of a progressive future, electing individuals from dynasties into positions of power could only hold the country back. Jhonyx, a 26-year-old voter in Caloocan; Juan, 46, a resident of Manila; and Reno all agree that this would be the solution.

However, there are those who believe—like Sheryl, a 45-year-old Quezon City resident—that there is nothing wrong with political officials coming from the same family. It did not matter to them, as long as the governance was decent.

Still, the public—specifically these voters—fear that the longer they hold authority, the more irreversible damage becomes. No real progress is made, only solutions that seem to crumble after a short while. Worst of all, the presence of these officials is only truly felt by citizens when election season rolls around. 

For others, voting for these individuals may stem from a sense of safety or familiarity from all the years of seeing them occupy these seats. The continuity of one name in a position is stronger than one may think. Hence, despite allegations of corruption, many of them still wind up victorious.

“Sad to say, pero reality kasi na karamihan sa mga voters natin, specifically ang mga matatanda, ay mas [pinipiling] iboto ang may matutunog na pangalan at apelyido, kaya nahihirapan pasukin ng mga bagong tao ang politika sa ngayon,” Megs, a 20-year-old PUP student living in Manila, shared. 

The current state of local politics remains largely impenetrable to new and independent candidates. Without the weight of a political surname, access to funding, or the benefit of name recall, few dare to challenge the status quo, leaving the same names to dominate the ballot, election after election.

Also, the dominance of political families at the local level often sets the stage for bigger ambitions. Holding power in city halls and congressional districts means access to resources, name recall, and political networks.

These local advantages can fuel national campaigns. The Binays, Cayetanos, Estradas, Dutertes, and Marcoses all climbed the ladder this way—turning citywide or district victories into springboards for Senate or even presidential runs.

The 2025 elections reaffirmed one thing: political power in Metro Manila remains deeply entrenched in local strongholds. While national figures and alliances shaped headlines, it was the established names at the city and district level that secured victories.

As 2028 approaches, understanding what drives politics on the ground may matter more than following national trends. Local machinery, dynasties, and vote-rich cities will continue to shape national contests. They remain the backbone of campaigns and coalitions.

In Philippine politics, the center of gravity hasn’t changed. It’s still deeply, stubbornly local.

With reports from Kristine Jhoy Castulo

Article: Althea Angeles and John David Parol

Graphics: Kent Bicol

Editor’s Note: All information regarding the relationships of politicians are based upon local knowledge and existing data in the Internet such as news articles, government websites, and social media. Should there be any errors or unreported details, kindly contact us at pupcocdakom@gmail.com and we will immediately update the database after vetting. The Communicator remains steadfast in upholding accuracy.