Almost a decade ago, 390 troops of the Philippine National Police (PNP) Special Action Force (SAF) were deployed to a classified mission in Mamasapano, Maguindanao. Only 77 entered the target location. Unfortunately, 44 were never able to return from what can only be described as one of the most tragic missions in contemporary Philippine history.
Dubbed the “SAF 44,” the fallen members of the PNP’s elite unit are still being remembered to this day. What was supposed to be a raid intended for specially-trained cops turned out to be a botched operation that seemed to be more suited to the military as the situation escalated.
I was about 11-and-a-half when news of the encounter circulated the country. I was at a region-wide training session for the upcoming national-level press contest nine years ago. We were handed a news story about then-President Benigno Aquino’s involvement in the so-called “Mamasapano clash.”
I lacked the maturity or the necessary critical thinking skills to comprehend the intensity of the situation. It was all new to me as if I was listening to a radio broadcast in real-time. In the days that followed, the primetime news program that my family was subscribing to was filled with reports during and of the incident’s aftermath.
To add to the scale of the incident, it spawned many materials in pop culture, notably a few episodes that focused on the lives of some of the SAF commandos were featured on both anthology drama series “Maalaala Mo Kaya,” and “Magpakailanman.” Moreover, two feature films on the historic incident have been produced. One of which debuted at the 2022 Metro Manila Film Festival.
Oplan Exodus
Oplan Exodus was originally designed to capture and apprehend notorious bomb makers Abdul Basit Usman and Malaysian Zulkifli bin Hir (alias “Marwan”), with the latter being the primary target. He was one of the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) most wanted terrorists and was behind several deadly bombings in Southeast Asia. Nine other operations that began in 2010 were unsuccessful in catching the elusive Marwan.
The 390 SAF troops, divided into special action companies (SAC), each had their assignments. The 84th SAC, dubbed “Seaborne” and composed of 41 commandos, was tasked with capturing Marwan. With his warrant of arrest at the platoon’s disposal, the mission was never supposed to take as long as it did. The unfamiliar terrain became their first challenge, and it was already dawn on January 25, 2015, when they arrived near the target’s hideout—a traditional Filipino nipa hut.
The area was a recognized territory of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). It was surrounded by other private armed groups as well. An improvised bomb trap outside Marwan’s hut took Seaborne by surprise. It triggered the start of hours-long exchanges of gunfire between the two parties.
“Mike one, bingo”
In the middle of the ensuing gunbattle, Marwan was killed by SAF cops. “Mike one, bingo,” was code for confirmation of his death, sent by one of the commandos via text message to the command center after a picture and DNA sample were taken.
On the other hand, Usman stealthily escaped from the area, and Seaborne failed to capture him during the mission. Nevertheless, a rush of euphoria was felt among the platoons as they seemed they had accomplished the mission.
There was only one more thing left to do. Extract the 84th SAC that entered Marwan’s territory, a task assigned to the 55th SAC consisting of 36 members.
Before Seaborne could even attempt to reunite with the 55th SAC, which was kilometers behind them, the former found themselves already surrounded by troops of the BIFF, MILF, and other private armed groups—-who were all alerted by the gunshots earlier.
The darkness proved to be a challenge for both parties. However, aside from that they were outnumbered, another factor that became disadvantageous to Seaborne was that this was not their territory. Soon enough, they were outmaneuvered too.
On their way to extract Seaborne, the 55th SAC was also interrupted by combined forces of the BIFF, MILF, and similar groups. The other special action companies tried to advance from their positions, but they were also welcomed with gunfire.
Seventy-seven SAF troops in total were trapped and surrounded, begging for help from the other platoons and their commanders. But help did not travel as fast as the bullets that rained upon Mamasapano that day.
Despite the outcome of the operation, the PNP deemed it successful, and as their primary objective, the neutralization of Marwan was met.
Massacre vs. Misencounter
There has been significant debate on whether to label the tragedy as a misencounter or a massacre. The Commission on Human Rights (CHR), under the chairship of its former head Etta Rosales, believed that the event was a misencounter. Whereas, the majority of the PNoy admin, particularly the Senate, as well as the general public, strongly leaned on the idea that the Mamasapano clash was a massacre, a “mass murder.”
There is a fine line between the two terms. Rosales pointed out that the SAF were armed and not helpless. Labeling the incident as a misencounter would imply that the two parties never intended to harm each other, which is technically true. Because the Oplan Exodus only intended to capture Marwan and Usman, following an intel allegedly from the United States.
It is also worth noting that the government at the time was in ongoing peace talks with the MILF, meaning that a ceasefire was raised. But since they were not informed of this operation—nor was the AFP kept within the loop—Oplan Exodus was bound to be a suicide mission.
On the other hand, the term “massacre” alludes to how the SAF commandos were killed: up close and with bodies mutilated, as per the findings of the autopsy. At first, the Senate was mindful to only label the incident as a misencounter but switched positions as their investigation progressed.
Misencounter and massacre bear very disparate connotations and elicit different emotions. Hence, we must avoid adding salt to the wound in the relationship between the two parties, as well as perpetuating Muslim hate.
The BOL, armed conflict in Mindanao, and Muslim rights
Armed conflict in the island of Mindanao dates back to the first Marcos regime in the 60s, wherein former dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s pro-Christian efforts significantly cut down the once-dominating Muslim population on the island.
It brought about the birth of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), which eventually spawned its offshoot group MILF, after Nur Misuari ruled the then ARMM with corruption. Finally, the BIFF is another breakaway group from the MILF, and is designated by the Philippines as a terrorist organization.
As a movement fighting for an autonomous Muslim government in Mindanao, the MILF has been heavily involved in peace negotiations with the national government for decades. But they would not prosper throughout that time frame. That is until the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) was enacted in 2018, mandating the establishment of a parliamentary-democratic government in the now-called Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). The BOL is supposed to be more inclusive since it is now written by Moro representatives.
Peace is finally near the clutches of the hands of the island. The national government has doubled its efforts in ending the armed struggle in Mindanao. Because they learned the hard way. The death of 44 SAF commandos served as a turning point for them to amplify their endeavors in pursuit of peace.
However, it was not only the SAF 44 who had fallen that day. Twenty-five Moros were also slain; 18 of them were fighters, while seven were unwitting civilians—including 5-year-old Sarah Panangulon.
People tend to pin the blame solely on the Moro community for the vicious outcome of the Mamasapano clash. The killing of the SAF 44 was unjustified. They were also thrust into this mission, poorly planned as it appears, while the military was kept in the dark. The police force’s officials should answer for accountability in this incident. But the blame game already started, stretching to PNoy, who was commander-in-chief of the PNP at the time. Today, this blame game has not concluded yet, and justice, conventionally, is always on the run.
For now, we must keep remembering what happened on the 25th of January 2015. It rained bullets upon Mamasapano, and many lives were lost in an encounter that wasn’t supposed to happen.
Article: Jennel Christopher Mariano
Graphics: Hannah May Manalo
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